
Study Finds Americans are Divided into 9 Political Groups. Which Are You In?
Clip: 7/14/2026 | 18m 5sVideo has Closed Captions
Jocelyn Kiley discusses Pew Research Center's political typology report.
As midterm elections approach, partisan divides feel more extreme than ever. Americans normally face two choices at the ballot box but a new Pew Research Center report says that most voters feel their political identities are not aligned with the two major parties. Jocelyn Kiley is the Director of Research at the organization. She says the real political scene in America is far more nuanced.
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Study Finds Americans are Divided into 9 Political Groups. Which Are You In?
Clip: 7/14/2026 | 18m 5sVideo has Closed Captions
As midterm elections approach, partisan divides feel more extreme than ever. Americans normally face two choices at the ballot box but a new Pew Research Center report says that most voters feel their political identities are not aligned with the two major parties. Jocelyn Kiley is the Director of Research at the organization. She says the real political scene in America is far more nuanced.
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Learn Moreabout PBS online sponsorship>> AS WE DISCUSSED EARLIER, THE CRUCIAL U. S. MID- TERM ELECTIONS ARE COMING UP.
AT A TIME WHEN THE PARTISAN DIVIDE FEELS MORE STARK THAN EVER, AMERICANS WILL LIKELY FACE ONE OF TWO CHOICES -- DEMOCRATS OR REPUBLICANS.
BUT DO MOST VOTERS FEEL THEIR POLITICAL AND CULTURAL IDENTITIES ALIGN THEM WITH EITHER MAJOR PARTY?
A NEW PEW RESEARCH CENTER REPORTS SAYS NO.
JOCELYN KILEY IS A DIRECTOR OF THE RESEARCH AT THE ORGANIZATION, AND SHE TELLS HARI SREENIVASAN ABOUT HOW THE PICTURE OF AMERICAN POLITICS IS FAR MORE NUANCED.
>> BIANNA, THANKS.
JOCELYN KILEY, THANKS SO MUCH FOR JOINING US.
WE KEEP HEARING THIS IDEA THAT PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES ARE DIVIDED, AND MOST OFTEN WE THINK OF RED OR BLUE, REPUBLICAN OR DEMOCRAT.
AND WHAT YOU'VE CREATED IS THIS TYPOLOGY IN A NEW REPORT CALLED "BEYOND RED VERSUS BLUE," WHERE YOU WRITE THAT MANY AMERICANS HOLD A COMPLEX MIX OF VALUES AND BELIEFS THAT DON'T ALWAYS FIT NEATLY INTO EITHER MAJOR PARTY.
THE RESULT IS A PICTURE OF AMERICAN POLITICS WITH FAR MORE THAN TWO COLORS IN IT.
WHAT DID YOU FIND?
>> SO THIS IS OUR PEW RESOURCE CENTER, POLITICAL TYPOLOGY, IT'S A PROJECT THAT'S NEAR AND DEAR TO MY HEART THAT WE'VE DONE FOR MANY YEARS.
BACK WHEN -- THE FIRST ONE WAS DONE IN 1987.
THE AIM OF IT HAS ALWAYS BEEN TO GIVE AMERICANS A SENSE OF THE CONTOURS OF THE AMERICAN POLITICAL LANDSCAPE AND TO LOOK BEYOND RED VERSUS BLUE.
WE TALK A LOT ABOUT REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS, BUT AS YOU SAY WITHIN THOSE COALITIONS, THERE'S A LOT OF DIVERSITY AND NUANCE.
AND THERE ARE A LOT OF PEOPLE WHO HAVE OVERLAPPING VIEWS.
SO, FOR INSTANCE, WE FIND NINE POLITICAL GROUPS, AND THIS YEAR'S POLITICAL TYPOLOGY, I THINK YOU CAN FAIRLY SAY THAT FOUR OF THEM --TWO ON THE LEFT, TWO ON THE RIGHT --ARE DEEPLY PARTISAN, DEEPLY IDEOLOGICAL, AT LEAST IN BROAD STROKES.
BUT THEN WE HAVE FIVE OTHER GROUPS.
ONE IS FAIRLY POLITICALLY DISENGAGED, A GROUP WE CALL THE TUNED OUT MIDDLE.
BUT THEN FOUR OTHER GROUPS THAT ARE MORE MIXED IN THEIR POLITICAL VALUES EVEN AS THEY GENERALLY ALIGN TO ONE PARTY OR THE OTHER.
SO I'LL GIVE YOU ONE EXAMPLE.
ACTUALLY, THE BIGGEST GROUP IN THIS YEAR'S POLITICAL ITYPOLOGY IS A GROUP WE CALL THE ORDER AND OPPORTUNITY LEFT.
THIS IS A GROUP THAT IS MORE DEMOCRATIC THAN REPUBLICAN BY ACTUALLY A FAIRLY WIDE MARGIN BUT STILL HAS ABOUT A QUARTER OF PEOPLE WHO IDENTIFY AS REPUBLICANS AND REPUBLICAN LEANERS AS A PART OF THAT GROUP.
IT'S A GROUP THAT'S ECONOMICALLY LIBERAL, FAIRLY FINANCIALLY STRESSED, RACIALLY AND ETHNICALLY DIVERSE, BUT ON SOME ISSUES OF, YOU KNOW, SOCIAL ISSUES, ISSUES AROUND IMMIGRATION, I THINK YOU CHARACTERIZE THEIR VIEWS AS MORE MODERATE.
AND SO EVEN THOUGH THEY'RE UNBALANCED MORE IN THE DEMOCRATIC COALITION THAN THE REPUBLICAN COALITION BY A FAIRLY WIDE MARGIN, THEY HAVE SOME VALUES THAT PULL THEM TO THE MIDDLE OR EVEN IN SOME CASES A LITTLE BIT TOWARDS THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
>> YOU ASKED, WHAT, MORE THAN 10,000 ADULTS THESE QUESTIONS --30 DIFFERENT QUESTIONS.
AND YOU'RE NOT NECESSARILY ASKING ABOUT, WELL, DID YOU VOTE DEMOCRAT ALL THE TIME.
YOU'RE ASKING REALLY QUESTIONS ABOUT VALUES.
>> THAT'S RIGHT.
SO THE AIM OF THIS PROJECT IS TO SORT OF SHOW AMERICANS HOW THEIR VALUES ALIGN.
WE ABSOLUTELY DO.
ON THE SURVEY WE ASK QUESTIONS ABOUT THEIR PARTISANSHIP AND WHO THEY VOTED FOR.
IN ORDER TO CREATE RELATIONSHIPS ABOUT TYPOLOGY GROUPS INSTEAD WE ASK ABOUT THEIR VIEWS ON IMMIGRATION, THEIR VIEWS ON RACE AND ETHNICITY, THEIR VIEWS ON THE GOVERNMENT AND THE ROLE OF SAFETY NET, GOVERNMENT REGULATION.
ANY OTHER NUMBER OF ISSUES THAT WHEN WE TALK ABOUT OUR POLITICS TODAY THESE ARE THE ISSUES UNDERLYING THAT -- THOSE PARTISAN COALITIONS.
AND SO THEN WE USE THE ANSWERS TO THOSE QUESTIONS TO FIND PEOPLE --TO FIND GROUPS IN THE PUBLIC.
AND THEN WE ANALYZE THOSE GROUPS.
>> YOU DIDN'T PUT THIS ON A SPECTRUM.
IT WASN'T A SINGLE LINE WHERE YOU COULD SAY THAT THE EXTREMES BY BOTH SIDES.
I MEAN, AS YOU START LOOKING AT THE SORT OF VALUES QUESTION, IT REALLY ENDS UP TWISTING AND KIND OF TURNING INTO I DON'T KNOW SOME KIND OF A 3-D SHAPE, WHERE YOU CAN HAVE POLITICAL VALUES THAT MIGHT ACTUALLY DIVERGE FROM YOUR SPOT ON THE SPECTRUM, SO TO SPEAK.
>> YEAH, THAT'S EXACTLY RIGHT.
WE OFTEN INCLUDING IN A LOT OF MY OTHER WORK WE TALK ABOUT THE SPECTRUM FROM LIBERAL TO CONSERVATIVE.
AND THAT IS REAL AND THAT IS IMPORTANT, BUT IT'S ALSO IMPORTANT TO ILLUSTRATE I THINK WHAT WE SEE IN THE PUBLIC, WHICH IS THAT THERE ARE A LOT OF PEOPLE WHO HOLD A MIX OF VALUES THAT ARE MAYBE CONSERVATIVE ON ONE QUESTION AND LIBERAL ON ANOTHER.
BUT THEN SOMEBODY ELSE WHO IS CONSERVATIVE ON THE QUESTION THAT OTHER PERSON IS LIBERAL AND LIBERAL ON THE QUESTION THAT OTHER PERSON IS CONSERVATIVE ABOUT.
SO ONE OF THE THINGS THAT WE'RE TRYING TO DO WITH THIS PROJECT IS --IS TO SHOW, YOU KNOW, THE WAYS THAT OUR POLITICS ARE CONSISTENT IN THIS IDEOLOGICAL WAY BUT ALSO THE WAYS THAT THERE ARE, YOU KNOW, SOMETIMES PLACES WHERE THE CROSSOVER ISN'T NECESSARILY CLEARLY ALIGNED WITH IDEOLOGY.
>> OKAY, LET'S GO THROUGH THIS BOX LITTLE BY LITTLE HERE.
SO ON THE EXTREMES, TELL ME WHAT DO THESE GROUPS HAVE IN COMMON?
YOU'VE CALL THEM, YOU KNOW, HIGHLY IDEOLOGICAL, POLITICALLY ENGAGED.
WHETHER IT'S ON THE RIGHT OR THE LEFT.
WHAT DO THEY HAVE IN COMMON, AND THEN MAYBE WHAT ACTUALLY BREAKS THEM APART INTO PULLING THEM INTO THESE SEPARATE BOXES?
>> YEAH, AND THEY DO HAVE A LOT IN COMMON.
I'LL START WITH THE LEFT.
WE HAVE A GROUP CALLED LEFT PROGRESSIVES, THAT'S 7% OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC.
WE ALSO HAVE A GROUP CALLED THE LOYAL LIBERALS.
THAT'S 11% OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC.
THEY ARE THE GROUPS ON THE DEMOCRATIC SIDE WHO ARE MOST LIKELY TO VOTE, THEIR VOICES ARE FAIRLY LOUD IN OUR POLITICS.
AND THEY, YOU KNOW, IN BROAD STROKES YOU CAN SAY THAT BOTH OF THESE GROUPS ARE DEEPLY LIBERAL.
IT'S ABSOLUTELY THE CASE.
AND YET THERE ARE IMPORTANT DIFFERENCES, AND I THINK ONE OF THE MOST INTERESTING THINGS IS THAT THE LEFT PROGRESSIVES, EVEN THEY ARE PROGRESSIVE ACROSS THE BOARD, THEY HAVE REALLY STRONG CRITIQUES OF THE AMERICAN ECONOMIC SYSTEM.
THEY ALSO HAVE SOME SKEPTICISM ABOUT THE ROLE AMERICA HAS PLAYED IN FOREIGN POLICY, AND VERY INTERESTINGLY DESPITE HOW LEFT THEY ARE THEY HAVE SOME CRITICISMS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
THEY'RE --YOU KNOW, THEY STILL OVERWHELMINGLY VOTED FOR KAMALA HARRIS OVER DONALD TRUMP.
THEY ARE DEEPLY CRITICAL OF DONALD TRUMP AND REPUBLICAN PARTY, BUT THAT DOESN'T NECESSARILY MEAN THAT THEY'RE HAPPY WITH THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
ON THE OTHER HAND, LOYAL LIBERALS ARE ALSO ON MANY OF THESE SAME ISSUES IN A SIMILAR PLACE.
WHERE THEY DIFFER IS THAT THEY ARE --FIRST OF ALL, THEY'RE A LITTLE OLDER, AND THEY ARE ALSO MORE ATTACHED TO THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
THEY HAVE A MORE POSITIVE VIEW OF AMERICA'S ROLE IN THE WORLD, AND THEY THINK -- AND THEY THINK THAT AMERICA HAS AN IMPORTANT ROLE TO PLAY IN THE WORLD.
THEY'RE STRONG SUPPORTERS, FOR INSTANCE, OF NATO.
THAT'S NOT TO SAY THE LEFTWARD PROGRESSIVES DISLIKE NATO, BUT NOT TO THE DEGREE THAT THE LOYAL LIBERALS DO.
ON THE RIGHT, YOU KNOW, THERE ARE KIND OF COROLLARY GROUPS ARE THE GROUP I CALL THE NO APOLOGIES RIGHT AND THE FAITH FIRST CONSERVATIVES.
AGAIN, BOTH OF THESE GROUPS ARE DEEPLY REPUBLICAN.
THEY STRONGLY SUPPORTED DONALD TRUMP IN '24 AND LARGELY CONTINUE TO BE STRONG SUPPORTERS OF TRUMP TODAY.
NO APOLOGIES RIGHT PERHAPS IT THE STRONGEST SUPPORTERS OF DONALD TRUMP.
THEY ARE BOTH CONSERVATIVE ACROSS THE BOARD FOR THE MOST PART.
NO APOLOGIES RIGHT, PART OF WHY WE CALL THEM THAT IS THEY HAVE A SOMEWHAT MAXIMALIST APPROACH TO POLITICS.
THEY'RE NOT LOOKING FOR COMPROMISE WITH THE OTHER SIDE IN OUR POLITICS.
AND --AND THEY'RE MOTIVATED AS MUCH BY THAT AS BY SOME OF THEIR POLITICAL OPINIONS.
FAITH FIRST CONSERVATIVES, AGAIN, ARE STRONG SUPPORTERS OF THE PRESIDENT.
THEY'RE VERY LIKELY TO CONSIDER THEMSELVES SUPPORTERS OF THE MAKE AMERICA GREAT MOVEMENT, SO I DON'T MEAN TO SEPARATE THEM OUT BY THAT.
ONE OF THE INTERESTING DIFFERENCES HERE IS THAT FAITH FIRST CONSERVATIVES ARE PARTICULARLY MOTIVATED BY ISSUES AROUND MORALITY AND RELIGION.
AND SO, FOR INSTANCE, WHILE BOTH GROUPS TEND TO SAY THAT ABORTION SHOULD BE ILLEGAL AND ALTHOUGH MOST IN CIRCUMSTANCES FAITH FIRST CONSERVATIVES ARE ACTUALLY THE MOST LIKELY GROUP TO SAY THAT.
ONE WAY TO THINK ABOUT IT IS THESE GROUPS ARE SITTING VERY COMFORTABLY IN COALITION WITH EACH OTHER, BUT THERE JUST ARE SOME DIFFERENCES IN WHAT MOTIVATES THEM AND WHY.
>> WHEN I HEAR YOU TALK ABOUT THE GROUPS ON THE EXTREMES AND THE ISSUES THAT THEY CARE ABOUT AND ALSO THE NUMBERS IN AMERICA OF HOW MANY PERCENTAGE OF PEOPLE KIND OF FIT INTO THESE GROUPS, YOU'RE TALKING ABOUT THE TWO EXTREMES ON EITHER SIDE THAT COMPRISE 20% ON EITHER SIDE, BUT THAT SEEMS TO BE ALL WHERE THE NOISE IS COMING FROM.
THEY SEEM TO HAVE A DISPROPORTIONATE IMPACT ON THE NATIONAL CONVERSATION, THE DEBATE, EVEN POLICY.
>> I THINK THERE ARE --WE SEE REASONS FOR THAT IN OUR DATA.
THIS IS NOT NEW TO THIS POLITICAL MOMENT, BUT IT'S OFTEN BEEN THE CASE THAT GROUPS --GROUPS, PEOPLE WHO ARE MORE IDEOLOGICALLY CONSISTENT, MORE IDEOLOGICALLY MOTIVATED ARE --PARTICIPATE AT MUCH HIGHER LEVELS IN POLITIC.
SO WE SEE THAT, YOU KNOW, IN OUR DATA WE'RE ABLE TO LOOK AT WHO VOTED IN 2024, SO WE CAN SEE THOUGHT THOSE GROUPS I WAS JUST TALKING ABOUT ARE THE GROUPS THAT ARE MOST LIKELY TO HAVE TURNED OUT IN A 2024 ELECTION.
THEY'RE ALSO MORE LIKELY THAN OTHER GROUPS TO SAY THAT WHAT WILL HAPPEN IN THIS MID- TERM REALLY MATTERS FOR THEM.
AND CICI IT POP UP IN ANY OTHER WAY THAT YOU CAN IMAGINE MEASURING POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT, HOW CLOSELY THEY FOLLOW NEWS AND INFORMATION, WHETHER THEY GO TO RALLIES, AND WHETHER THEY GIVE MONEY AND SO ON AND SO FORTH.
SO TO SOME EXTENT, THAT -- THAT EXPLAINS A LITTLE BIT THAT THEY HAVE A LARGER VOICE IN OUR POLITICS.
>> LET'S TALK A LITTLE BIT ABOUT THE BIG, GIANT HUNK OF THE FIVE GROUPS THAT YOU HAVE IN THE MIDDLE.
YOU HAVE ONE GROUP THAT'S, AS YOU KIND OF SAY, HAS CHECKED OUT.
BUT WHAT ABOUT THOSE FOUR THAT ARE I GUESS WHO EVERYONE IS COMPETING FOR TO TRY AND GET THEM TO GET OUT TO THE POLLS AND OBVIOUSLY PULL THE LEVER IN THE DIRECTION OF THE PARTY?
>> YEAH, AND EVEN WITHIN THERE THERE'S SOME NUANCE.
SO I'LL START, FOR INSTANCE, WITH THE GROUP WE CALL THE UNCONVENTIONAL RIGHT, WHICH IS A OVERWHELMINGLY REPUBLICAN-ORIENTED GROUP.
IT'S YOUNGER THAN SOME OF THE OTHER GROUPS ON THE RIGHT.
THEY ARE CONSERVATIVE ACROSS MANY ISSUES BUT NOT AS DEEPLY CONSERVATIVE AS THOSE GROUPS I WAS MENTIONING BEFORE.
AND ON SOME ISSUES ON INCLUDING SOME CULTURAL ISSUES PARTICULARLY THINGS LIKE ABORTION AND GUNS, I WOULD CHARACTERIZE THEIR VIEWS AS MORE MODERATE THAN THE POSITIONS THAT THE NO APOLOGIES RIGHT AND FAITH- FIRST CONSERVATIVES TAKE.
THEY'RE AN INTERESTING GROUP BECAUSE THEY TURN OUT AT MUCH LOWER RATES.
IF YOU THINK ABOUT COMPETING FOR THEIR VOTES, TARGETING THAT GROUP, IT'S FAIRLY UNLIKELY I WOULD SAY THAT THIS IS A GROUP THAT WOULD BE EASILY SWAYED TO COME OVER TO THE DEMOCRATIC SIDE.
BUT THE QUESTION IS A TURNOUT QUESTION.
CAN THE -- YOU KNOW, CAN THE REPUBLIC --IF YOU'RE A REPUBLICAN STRATEGIST, HOW DO YOU GET THIS GROUP TO TURN OUT AND NOT STAY HOME?
AND I THINK ONE OF THE INTERESTING THINGS ABOUT THAT GROUP IS, YOU KNOW, AS I SAY, THEY OVERWHELMINGLY VOTED FOR DONALD TRUMP IN 2024.
BUT ON THE LAST MEASURE WE HAVE OF HIS PRESIDENTIAL APPROVAL AMONG THIS GROUP FROM A COUPLE OF MONTHS AGO, THAT APPROVAL HAD FALLEN TO JUST OVER 50% AMONG THIS GROUP.
SO THERE IS -- AND THAT DECLINE IS LARGER THAN ANY OTHER GROUP IN OUR TYPOGRAPHY.
THERE'S A COROLLARY GROUP WE CALL THE LEFT TYPE LEFT.
WHEN THEY VOTE THEY'RE OVERWHELMINGLY FOR DEMOCRATS.
THEY'RE FAIRLY YOUNG.
THEY'RE VERY DISAFFECTED WITH OUR POLITICS TODAY AND THEY'RE VERY ECONOMICALLY STRESSED.
AND SO THE CHALLENGE THERE IS FOR DEMOCRATS TO GET THAT GROUP EXCITED TO TURNOUT FOR THEM.
BECAUSE LIKE THE UNCONVENTIONAL RIGHT, IT'S FAIRLY UNLIKELY THAT REPUBLICANS ARE GOING TO BE ABLE TO TARGET PEOPLE IN THAT GROUP.
AND THEN ONE OF THE OTHER GROUPS THAT I HAVEN'T TALKED ABOUT YET IS A GROUP WE CALLED THE PRAGMATIC AND POLITE RIGHT.
IT'S 11% OF THE PUBLIC.
IT'S ACTUALLY THE OLDEST GROUP IN THE TYPOLOGY.
IT IS MAJORITY REPUBLICAN BUT NOT OVERWHELMINGLY.
IT'S ABOUT 56% REPUBLICAN.
ON BALANCE IT VOTED --THIS GROUP VOTED FOR DONALD TRUMP OVER HARRIS IN 2024.
BUT THIS GROUP HAS REALLY SOURED ON THE PRESIDENT OVER THE COURSE OF THE YEAR --THE LAST COUPLE OF YEARS.
AND SOME OF THAT IS THIS GROUP, THE PRAGMATICALLY EMPLOYED RIGHT IS A GROUP THAT IS IN FAVOR OF SMALL GOVERNMENT, THAT IS GENERALLY ECONOMICALLY CONSERVATIVE.
BUT THEIR VIEWS ON SOME OTHER ISSUES ARE QUITE MODERATE.
THEY'RE NOT NECESSARILY LIBERAL BUT THEY'RE MODERATE.
>> WHAT DEMOGRAPHIC PATTERNS DID YOU NOTICE IN THE TIPALLGYS?
AGE, ETHNICITY?
>> SURE.
SO YOUNGER AMERICAN ARE MORE LIKELY TO BE DEMOCRATIC, DEMOCRATIC LEANING THAN OLDER AMERICANS.
THAT'S A PATTERN WE'VE SEEN FOR THE LAST 20 YEARS OR SO AND CONTINUES TO HOLD UP.
AND SO THAT SHOWS UP IN OUR POLITICAL TYPOLOGY AS WELL, IN THAT THE GROUPS --YOUNGER AMERICANS ARE MORE LIKELY TO BE FOUND IN THE GROUPS ON THE LEFT THAN OLDER AMERICANS.
AND OLDER AMERICANS ARE MORE LIKELY TO BE FOUND IN THE GROUPS ON THE RIGHT.
THAT SAID --YOU KNOW, EVEN THERE THERE ARE SOME INTERESTING DYNAMICS.
YOUNGER AMERICANS ARE PARTICULARLY MORE LIKELY TO BE FOUND IN THE LEFT PROGRESSIVES AND THE LEFT OUT LEFT GROUPS.
BOTH OF THOSE GROUPS FOR DIFFERENT REASONS, THEY ARE DEMOCRATICALLY LEANING, BUT THEY HAVE CRITIQUES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
SO THERE'S THE DISAFFECTION THAT WE'RE SEEING AMONG YOUNGER AMERICANS.
AROUND RACE AND ETHNICITY, YOU KNOW, AGAIN, BROADLY BLACK, HISPANIC, AND TO A LESSER EXTENT ASIAN AMERICANS ARE MORE LIKELY TO BE FOUND IN THE GROUPS ON THE LEFT COMPARED TO WHITE AMERICANS.
AND WHITE AMERICANS ARE MORE LIKELY TO BE FOUND IN THE GROUPS ON THE RIGHT.
EVEN AGAINST THAT, ONE OF THE THINGS THAT'S INTERESTING IS THAT WHITE AMERICANS ARE OVERREPPED, ONE MIGHT SAY IN THE LEFT FOR PROGRESSIVE AND LIBERAL GROUPS.
AND BLACK AMERICANS AND HISPANICS IN PARTICULARLY ARE FAIRLY CONCENTRATED IN THE LEFT OPPORTUNITY LEFT AND LEFT OUT LEFT.
AND THOSE ARE BOTH GROUPS VERY DEMOCRATICALLY LEANING BUT HAVE A MIX OF VIEWS THAT ARE SOMEWHAT LIBERAL.
IN FACT, QUITE LIBERAL ESPECIALLY ON ECONOMICS, BUT MORE MODERATE ON SOME SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ISSUES, ISSUES AROUND GENDER IDENTITY AND TO SOME EXTENT AROUND IMMIGRATION.
THOSE GROUPS TEND TO BE MORE BLACK AND HISPANIC AS WELL.
>> LET'S TAKE AN EXAMPLE TO TRY TO SHOW WHERE VALUES MIGHT MOVE YOU AROUND IN DIFFERENT SPOTS.
RIGHT, IMMIGRATION HOT BUTTON ISSUE DEPENDING ON YOUR DEMOGRAPHIC, DEPENDING ON WHICH OF THESE NINE GROUPS.
I MEAN, I DON'T SEE IT AS AN AUTOMATIC OF IF IT'S IMMIGRATION, THEY'RE AUTOMATICALLY HERE.
>> THAT'S RIGHT.
I THINK ONE OF THE THINGS ABOUT IMMIGRATION, FOR THE MOST PART IT DOES FALL OUT ON AN IDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM WITH THE MOST CONSERVATIVE GROUPS THE MOST SUPPORTIVE OF RESTRICTIVE IMMIGRATION POLICIES THAN THE MOST LIBERAL GROUPS --THE LEAST SUPPORTIVE OF THESE.
BUT ONE OF THE INTERESTING THINGS IT DEPENDS WHICH QUESTION YOU ASK ABOUT IMMIGRATION.
SO, FOR INSTANCE, WE ASK ABOUT WHETHER THOSE IN THE COUNTRY ILLEGALLY SHOULD BE DEPORTED OR THERE SHOULD BE A PATH TO LEGAL --THERE SHOULD BE A PATH TO LEGAL STATUS.
AND ON THIS QUESTION WE FIND THE NO APOLOGIES RIGHT AND THE FAITH-FIRST CONSERVATIVES OVERWHELMINGLY IN SUPPORT OF LARGE- SCALE DEPORTATION EFFORTS.
THE UNCONVENTIONAL RIGHT ARE SOMEWHAT SPLIT ON THIS QUESTION.
BUT MOST OF THE OTHER GROUPS INCLUDING THE PRAGMATIC AND PROLITE RIGHT ARE MINORITIES OF THOSE GROUPS SAY THERE SHOULD BE A MASS DEPORTATION EFFORT.
ON THE OTHER HAND, IF YOU ASK PEOPLE ABOUT THE IMPORTANCE OF BORDER SECURITY, HAVING STRONG BORDERS AND SO FORTH, YOU FIND THAT ACROSS MOST GROUPS, MOST PEOPLE SAY THIS IS AN EXTREMELY IMPORTANT THING FOR THE U. S. SO OFTEN WE'RE --AND THE GROUPS THAT STAND OUT AS BEING LESS LIKELY TO SAY THIS ARE THE LEFT FOR PROGRESSIVES IN PARTICULAR, AND TO A CERTAIN EXTENT THE LOYAL LIBERALS.
EVEN THERE THE LOYAL LIBERALS, YOU KNOW, A SIZABLE SHARE OF THAT GROUP SAYS IT'S IMPORTANT TO THE COUNTRY TO HAVE STRONG, SECURE BORDERS.
>> YEAH.
>> AND WHAT'S INTERESTING ABOUT THAT IS THAT WE OFTEN TALK ABOUT IMMIGRATION IN TERMS OF A DEBATE BETWEEN THE SORT OF EXTREME RESTRICTIVE IMMIGRATION OLICIES AND MUCH LESS SO.
IN FACT, MOST OF THESE AMERICANS AND MOST OF THESE GROUPS ARE SOMEWHERE IN THE MIDDLE WHEN IT COMES TO IMMIGRATION.
>> JOCELYN KILEY, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AT THE PEW RESEARCH CENTER, THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME.
>> THANK YOU.
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